minjok

Instead, a post-nationalist perspective would recognize minjok to be a modern (and democratic) construct. To say that the minjok was constructed in the modern period means that the attempt to transform women, peasants, and slaves into ...

1998, Journal of Asiatic studies - Volume 41, page 47

In our history we have a sense of minjok (similar to nation) but not of minjung (the masses). If we think about it from a different perspective, what actually exists is minjung, while minjok is only a related concept; however, what was continually emphasized was minjok and the minjung that made up the minjok were exploited and neglected under the auspice of benefiting minjok.

2013, Yung Suk Kim, Jin-Ho Kim, Reading Minjung Theology in the Twenty-First Century, →ISBN, page 91

North Korea's real ideology is not socialism but a race-based Korean nationalism in which the DRPK is defending the Korean race (the minjok) against foreign depredation.

2015, Robert E. Kelly, “Why South Korea is So Obsessed with Japan”, in Real Clear Defense

Historians may find this notion of citizenship somewhat ahistorical, but historians of Korea familiar with the notion of minjok as a homogeneous ethnic nation will find it resonates with Kim's concept of citizenship.

2015, Suk-Young Kim, DMZ Crossing: Performing Emotional Citizenship along the Korean Border.

The Korean word for South Korea is hanguk, but South Koreans more often refer to it as uri nara, “our country”. The equivalent term in Japanese is mainly used by octogenarian ultraconservatives, but in South Korea everyone says it. They also speak of uri mal, uri eumshik, uri ddang, uri minjok – “our language”, “our food”, “our land”, “our race” – all of which can project, to foreigners living there, an unappealingly possessive insularity.

2017, Colin Marshall, “How Korea got cool”, in The Times Literary Supplement